strengths and weaknesses of liberal internationalism

For criticism of Ikenberry's definition as too narrow, see Schweller, The Problem of International Order Revisited, pp. 38, No. 3 (Summer 2016), pp. Interestingly, Europeans concern about Germany reemerged, possibly only briefly, with the end of the Cold War. 579614, doi.org/10.1017/S002081830002703X. Balance of threat theory is best considered a strand of defensive realism/rationalist theory: offensive capability reflects power and the offense-defense balance, which includes geography; the perceived intentions of opposing states are an information variable that captures the opposing states types. This promotes multilateral development and world peace. No liberal state has ever acted in international affairs solely on the . Liberal internationalism is also criticized for focusing on trivial mutual interests while neglecting critical issues such as military interventions and nuclear warfare. Although sorting out the many possible answers to this question is beyond the scope of this article, a short discussion illustrates the range of possibilities. Such interven View the full answer Lake, International Legitimacy Lost? The U.S. tariffs that the Trump administration has imposed and threatened to impose could begin to test this proposition, but will do little to reduce China's economic engagement with other countries. The History of an Idea, Foreign Affairs, Vol. Thus, the LIO concept's inward focus and theoretical weakness do not leave scholars with a significant explanatory gap. 111, No. 161208. A more fundamental issue, however, has received little attention: the analytic value of framing U.S. security in terms of the LIO. David Lake offers a different understanding of hierarchy, based on a concept of relational authority. He states that in a relational approach, authority is understood to rest on an exchange relationship between dominant and subordinate states, in which the former provides a social order in return for compliance and legitimacy from the latter.27 Legitimacy conferred by the subordinate (weaker) power to the superordinate (stronger) power distinguishes the product of relational authority from standard bargained agreements. 1 (Summer 1989), pp. From simple essay plans, through to full dissertations, you can guarantee we have a service perfectly matched to your needs. This is not to imply that this type of authority and duty does not exist in other types of relationships. The higher the level of economic interdependence, the greater the losses from the interruption of trade; recognition of these potential losses increases the incentives for states to avoid war. Nevertheless, the structural relationship between the states is hierarchical, because the most powerful state disproportionately influences the terms of the agreement. If the United States retains its security commitments in East Asia and Chinese economic growth continues, then, for the foreseeable future, the world will not be the liberal hegemony described by the LIO literature. Ikenberry, Liberal Leviathan, p. 56. Given the LIO concept's limited explanatory value, are there other theories that can account for the historical outcomes that theorists and policy analysts have credited to this concept? The characteristics of internationalism are: support for international organizations, appreciation of diversity, promotion of world peace, and opposition to nationalism, which focuses on the interests of a single nation. Hall, eds., International Order and the Future of World Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). Even worse, the LIO framing could lead the United States to adopt overly competitive policies and unnecessarily resist change in the face of China's growing power. Infringing peoples rights is typically against Liberal thinking because they believe in the sanctity of human rights and an end to human suffering. States give priority to increasing their prosperity, and trade can play a central role in achieving this end. While some scholars argue that the existing systemic theories . The initial step in any analysis of grand strategy is to identify a state's fundamental interests; typically, security and prosperity rank highest. Proponents can point to examples of successful cooperation, such as the growing international consensus on human rights. A grand-strategic lens would generate comparisons and assessments of the range of possible grand strategies. A more fundamental issue, however, has received little attention: the analytic value of framing U.S. security in terms of the LIO. China was, however, increasingly integrated into the international economy, including the WTO, during this period; economic interdependence between the United States and China grew dramatically, as did China's wealth. To the extent that the United States enjoyed power advantages within this bipolarity, it could not use them to gain legitimate authority through a consensual bargain with the Soviet Union. Political cooperation follows from economic engagement. Enrolling in a course lets you earn progress by passing quizzes and exams. Please select which sections you would like to print: Senior Lecturer, Department of Politics and International Studies, Cambridge University. First, as touched on when discussing the concept's inward focus, even if certain elements of the LIO are characterized by some degree of hierarchy, this will not affect cooperation between members of the LIO and their adversaries. Thomas J. Christensen, China, the U.S.-Japan Alliance, and the Security Dilemma in East Asia, International Security, Vol. The LIO's institutions include NATO and the U.S.-Japan alliance; an open trading system, initially managed via the Bretton Woods institutions and now including the World Trade Organization (WTO); and the United Nations, which sets out the central role of state sovereignty and limits on the use of military force, which have their foundation in the principle of Westphalian sovereignty. Social scientists have not reached a consensus on the mechanisms that underpin the transition from autocracy to democracy.55 Research has produced support for many mechanisms, but scholars continue to disagree about their relative importance. 1 (Winter 2007), pp. One of the strengths of Marxist historiography (I shall come to weaknesses) has been that even while assaulting capitalism it saw the vitality of its early phases, and that even in the course of ridiculing "classical" liberalism as an ideological rationale for bourgeois ascendency, it honored its liberating role in behalf of humanity at large. A Flawed Framework: Why the Liberal International Order Concept Is The theory assumes that we can move past the violence and anarchy of the international system through cooperation. China is not a democracy, and it is not a member of the United States security alliances in Asia; indeed, China is now the target of these alliances. For example, Patrick, World Order; Bruce Jones et al., The State of the International Order, Policy Paper No. For a summary of the history, but not this argument, see Ikenberry, After Victory, pp. Recent analyses, however, have started to criticize U.S. domestic policy for failing to share the benefits and offset the costs of open trade, which has in turn undermined the domestic legitimacy of the LIO. On this basic conception, see Ikenberry, Liberal Leviathan, especially pp. A state or states create an order to achieve certain ends. Imagine living in a world of anarchy where every person is out for themselves and, more often than not, might is believed to make right and what many may view as unethical or immoral acts, including killing people, are often viewed as justified by the ends such acts achieve. Why? Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. 2 (Fall 2013), pp. Ikenberry, of course, understands this, acknowledging that the liberal order existed within a bipolar system. 1820. An important exception is that a weak state may choose to accept even large alliance risks, if the risks of alternate alliance options or no alliance at all are still larger. 70, No. Regionalism in Politics Types & Characteristics | What is Regionalism? Western economic strength, combined with the Soviet Union's economic weakness and its misguided defense policies, contributed to the ability of the United States to win the Cold War. As Jack Donnelly explains, anarchy and hierarchy are not opposites, and hierarchy can exist within anarchy.49 Therefore, hierarchy within the LIO would not reveal much about the comparable relationship between the states that are included within the order and those outside itincluding, most importantly, the Soviet Union during the Cold War and China today. 24, No. First, it would improve analysis of U.S. interests and threats to those interests. Competing Ideologies During the Restoration: Liberalism & Socialism. 3577. The sixth section reviews research that demonstrates that interactions between the LIO's security and economic components do not make it significantly more than the sum of its parts. A second example is NATO's ability to maintain its cohesion as German power increased in the 1950s and 1960s. For a recent critique of many features of liberalism, see John J. Mearsheimer, The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2018). The LIO comprises a variety of disparate elements, including predominant U.S. power, U.S. alliances in Europe and Asia, the open international economic system, and the United Nations. This is the liberalisation of world institutions such as the European Union. As mentioned, balance of threat theory underscores that power is not the only factor that should influence states decisions about balancing.75 The belief among EU states that U.S. motives are essentially benign, at least as they pertain to the use of military force to compel or defeat members of the EU, largely explains this lack of external balancing.76, Proponents of the liberal hegemonic order claim that it played an important role in maintaining great power peace during and after the Cold War. The literature provides many answers, i.e., a decline in the power and gatekeeping role of political parties (Lavinsky and Ziblatt), the role of intellectuals (Applebaum), changes in political campaign financing (Balkin), the anti-liberal influence of Donald Trump (Kendzior), the flaws of "democracy" itself (Mounk), to name just a few . However, the realist view is weakened by changes in the way that conflict is fought, the ineffectiveness of the balance of power model and the increasing global and interconnected world. 819855, doi.org/10.1017/S0020818300033269. Liberal internationalism: peace, war and democracy Whilst the strengths of the theory lie in its pragmatic approach to power politics and conflict. This research has yielded well established, or at least widely debated, insights about the international impacts generated by each element. On various assessments of the threat, see G. John Ikenberry, The Illusion of Geopolitics: The Enduring Power of the Liberal Order, Foreign Affairs, Vol. Critics have also argued that liberal internationalism is modern-day western imperialism masked under the veil of cooperation and collaboration. Liberals advocate the use of military force in order to help people for example Tony Blair invaded Iraq because Saddam Hussein inflicted pain and violence on his population. Evidence of hierarchy is difficult to identify, because bargaining between a more powerful state and a weaker one can produce outcomes that appear similar to those supposedly explained by legitimate authority. Consequently, the LIO concept can shed little light on the most important issues in international politicsspecifically, the prospects for peace and cooperation between the United States and its allies, on the one hand, and its adversaries and competitors, on the other. International Security 2019; 43 (4): 5187. A strong case for Liberalism is that it can be viewed as peaceful due to the history of liberalism, never have two liberal democracies gone to war which shows the level of cooperation between them and that the balance of power within the world has been upset by authoritarian regimes and outdated ideas and polices, the strand in liberal thinking which holds that the natural order has been corrupted by undemocratic state leaders and outdate polices, (Baylis and Smith, 2001, pg 178). As with the LIO, there is no agreed set of mechanisms that form the LIO concept. The Press's enthusiasm for innovation is reflected in our continuing exploration of this frontier. UKEssays.com does not accept payment of any kind for the publishing of political content, it has been published for educational purposes only. Butt, Anarchy and Hierarchy in International Relations: Explaining South America's War-Prone Decade, 193241, International Organization, Vol. Compare to constructivism the realism theories and liberalism theories became more popular. On preserving the liberal order, but also the limits that should be placed on democracy promotion, see Michael W. Doyle, A Liberal View: Preserving and Expanding the Liberal Pacific Order, in T.V. While the United States used its overwhelming power (i.e., its hegemonic position) to shape these institutions, according to LIO theorists, it also agreed, via these institutions, to make the exercise of American power more restrained and predictable.11 Most analyses adopt a primarily U.S. perspective that tends to overlook that China and Russia have never fully embraced the LIOmost importantly, its commitment to democracy and individual human rights. The advantages of liberal internationalism include multilateral development, the promotion of world peace, and the diversification of cultures. The United States NATO allies ran these risks during the Cold War and continue to do so today. In fact, the per capita income/democracy correlation may not reflect a greater probability of transition, but instead a greater probability that once a transition to democracy occurs, wealthy states are less likely to revert to authoritarian rule. John S. Duffield, International Regimes and Alliance Behavior: Explaining NATO Conventional Force Levels, International Organization, Vol. 5264. 1 (Spring 1996), pp. His contributions to SAGE Publications's. The LIO can take little or no credit for these outcomes, however, because it is a partial order and because the LIO concept is primarily inward looking. This section reviews the key interactions that the international relations literature has identified between the security and prosperity components of the LIO.83 The analysis yields two findings. Consequently, the weaker states consider the most powerful state's overwhelming influence in establishing the terms of the consensus to be legitimate.26 Accordingly, the weaker states are less likely to try to overturn the agreement or regime, which increases the most powerful state's prospects for maintaining its position over the long run. Whether this will be possible without the United States enjoying a large stable power advantage is the source of extensive scholarly and policy debate.101 China's integration into the global economy is likely now so extensive that greatly reducing it would be too costly and would do little to forestall further U.S. relative economic losses.102 In this case, the United States will need to commit itself to long-term domestic policies designed to preserve its overall ability to compete.103. 30, 5152. See, for example, Stewart Patrick, World Order: What, Exactly, Are the Rules? Washington Quarterly, Vol. Content may require purchase if you do not have access. Unmasking the Weakness of Liberalism: Why the Future of the Liberal That is a conception of liberal internationalism as a historical process rather than as an ideal. Realism, however, does an excellent job of explaining NATO's formation and success. We've received widespread press coverage since 2003, Your UKEssays purchase is secure and we're rated 4.4/5 on reviews.io. With sufficient confidence that the more powerful state will not defect, weaker states are willing to run the risks of specializing. Political Realism Theory & Principles | What is Political Realism? Of particular interest has been how well realism and liberal internationalism explains or fails to explain security and nonsecurity issues in the Third World. For example, if the LIO concept shows that U.S. alliances have been more effectivemore cohesive, less contentious, longer lasting, and so onthan established alliance theories predict, then this additional effectiveness should be recognized as a distinct contribution of the LIO to U.S. success during the Cold War. Instead, states should cooperate through diplomacy with a focus on multilateralism where all countries work together on an issue that affects them to reach a solution. In the interwar period, internationalists focused on defending and then reforming the League of Nations and developing international law. This has often been cast in terms of the weakening or decline of state sovereignty. Proponents of international liberalism also believe that international law and international commerce are tools that will help create peace and order in international relations. 1724. 96, No. 97, No. The other key ingredient was the U.S. offer of participation in much of the Western liberal order to the rest of the world so that potential rivals could benefit from engaging with the United States.71, There are two problems with this argument. (Baylis and Smith, 2001, pg 163.) Indeed, the delegation of many regulatory functions to specialist public bodies relatively independent of central government in many ways results from the increased range and complexity of governance activities. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Thus, with few exceptions, a state can in the short term choose to act within the orderabiding by its rules and normsor to violate it, but not to create a revised order.18 Whether an order is a means or a constraint thus depends partly on the phase of its evolution. The debate within realism, which is beyond the scope of this article, does provide counters to the defensive realist/rationalist position, but these arguments do not shift support to the LIO theorists position on cooperation under anarchy. By adopting a grand-strategic framework, analysts can correct the LIO's status quo bias, make theoretical debates more explicit, and ensure that a wider array of foreign policy options receive due consideration. To start, some analysts use of the term international order may be for purely descriptive purposessimply referring to the international situation or a set of international institutions. The defensive strand of realismbalance of threat theoryexplains alliances as states reactions to threats, which are determined not only by an adversary's power but also by the extent of its offensive capability and its intentions. My argument does not dispute that individual elements of the LIO significantly influence interactions between the United States (and its allies) and nonmember states. 121154, doi.org/10.1017/S0043887109000057. A state that leaves an alliance understands that the remaining members will not (or at least are less likely to) protect it. Art, Why Western Europe Needs the United States and NATO, Political Science Quarterly, Vol. nuclear forces and strategy At a minimum, therefore, although greater per capita income correlates with states being democratic, whether a liberal democracy will emerge in a specific case is conditional, and when this would occur is still more uncertain. Systematic examination shows that this framing creates far more confusion than insight. Internationalism is a political concept that advocates for political and economic cooperation among states and nations. (PDF) Strengths and Weaknesses of Alternative Perspectives - ResearchGate Liberals always argue that for minimal state intervention in peoples lives but increasingly state centralisation is taking root within society as a result of the state trying to eliminate poverty and providing health care for the masses. 4990, doi.org/10.1162/ISEC_a_00199; and Michael D. Swaine, Wenyan Deng, and Aube Rey Lescure, Creating A Stable Asia: An Agenda for a U.S.-China Balance of Power (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2016). In combination, these arguments support the neo-isolationist conclusion that ending U.S. alliances would not threaten the openness of the global economy. Next, I describe the logics and mechanisms of the LIO concept. 35, No. 2 (March/April 2011), pp. 129160. From time to time certain models dominated the theoretical and practical agenda. Emphasis on security & political interests in the organization & conduct of international economic relations 3. 2 (June 2006), pp. Charles L. Glaser; A Flawed Framework: Why the Liberal International Order Concept Is Misguided. Here you can choose which regional hub you wish to view, providing you with the most relevant information we have for your specific region. They write new content and verify and edit content received from contributors. 14, No. Total loading time: 0 The United States risks reducing its security by assuming that the LIO must be preserved, thus failing to ask these fundamental questions. With luck, none of these possibilities will materialize. 159219; and Copeland, Economic Interdependence and War, pp. Although proponents of selective/deep engagement accept that there is some uncertainty about whether U.S. forward-deployed security commitments are necessary to preserve the open international economic system, they conclude that the value of economic openness warrants buying insurance via these security commitments. Worse yet, framing U.S. policy in terms of the LIO is potentially dangerous; by exaggerating the threat posed by small changes to the political status quo and implicitly rejecting adaptation to the new balance of power in East Asia, the LIO lens could encourage the United States to adopt overly competitive policies. Whether China's economic inclusion is a net positive for the United States remains an open question, but it certainly strengthens the economic pillar of the LIO. U.S. foreign policy will be inflexible, when the shifting balance of power may call for concessions and revised understandings of appropriate behavior. 623654, doi.org/10.1017/S0020818316000126. Distinguishing the influence of these motives for NATO's creation is difficult. Lake discusses, among other things, authority within families and religious groups. Strengths of Nationalism 1. Liberal internationalism asserts that each nation equally contributes to global peace and no nation is more important than another. Shawn has a masters of public administration, JD, and a BA in political science.
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